Fecha de recepción: 29 de abril de 2026
Fecha de aceptación: 8 de septiembre de 2026
Disponible en línea: 6 de octubre de 2026
Vol. 13 N.° 2
Julio - Diciembre del 2026
pp. 1- 34
HISTORIA ECONÓMICA,EMPRESARIAL Y DEL PENSAMIENTO
TIEMPO & ECONOMÍA
Sugerencia de citación:
Gómez
Rodríguez, D. T. (2026).
Dynamics of
Mutual Support and Social Capital Building
among Millonarios FC Fan Groups.
Solidarity Practices in the Urban Context of
Bogotá. tiempo&economia, 13(2), 1-34.
https://doi.org/10.21789/24222704.2210
DOI:
https://doi.org/10.21789/
24222704.2210
Dynamics of Mutual Support
and Social Capital Building
among Millonarios FC Fan
Groups. Solidarity Practices in
the Urban Context of Bogotá
Dinámicas de apoyo mutuo y construcción
de capital social en las hinchadas de
Millonarios FC. Prácticas solidarias en el
contexto urbano de Bogotá
Dustin Tahisin Gómez Rodríguez
Economista , especialista en psicología educativa, magíster en Estudio y
gestión del desarrollo y doctor en agrociencias,
Corporación Universitaria de Asturias, Colombia
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5359-2300
dustin.tgr@gmail.com
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ABSTRACT
This article examines the dynamics of mutual support among
Millonarios FC fan groups that contribute to the construction and
strengthening of social capital within this group. To this end, a qualitative
research approach with a case study design was conducted to understand
the meanings, practices, and internal relationships of solidarity. The sample
consisted of 11 participants selected through purposive sampling, using
semi-structured interviews, participant observation, and documentary
analysis. The data were thematically coded, integrating analytical
categories such as trust, norms, networks, reciprocity, fan identity, mutual
support, and solidarity practices. The results show that the fan base
functions as a cohesive community in which practices of economic aid,
protection, and emotional support strengthen internal bonds. The main
conclusion is that these dynamics generate stable support networks,
consolidate collective identity, and shape informal mechanisms of
reciprocity, self-management, and economic solidarity that facilitate the
collective mobilization of symbolic and material resources.
Keywords: Social capital; Solidarity economy; Mutual support;
Supporter identity; Qualitative Research; Economic history.
JEL Codes: Z20, P13, D02, D91, O17
RESUMEN
El artículo tiene como objetivo analizar cómo las dinámicas de apoyo
mutuo presentes en las hinchadas de Millonarios FC contribuyen a la
construcción y fortalecimiento del capital social dentro del grupo. Para ello,
se desarrolló una investigación cualitativa con diseño de estudio de caso,
centrada en comprender significados, prácticas y relaciones internas de
solidaridad. La muestra estuvo conformada por 11 participantes
seleccionados mediante muestreo intencional, y se utilizaron entrevistas
semiestructuradas, observación participante y análisis documental. La
información fue codificada temáticamente, integrando categorías
analíticas como confianza, normas, redes, reciprocidad, identidad de
hinchada, apoyo mutuo y prácticas solidarias. Los resultados muestran que
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la hinchada funciona como una comunidad cohesionada donde las
prácticas de ayuda económica, protección y acompañamiento emocional
fortalecen los vínculos internos. La principal conclusión señala que estas
dinámicas generan redes estables de apoyo, consolidan la identidad
colectiva y configuran mecanismos informales de reciprocidad,
autogestión y solidaridad económica que facilitan la movilización colectiva
de recursos simbólicos y materiales.
Keywords: Capital social; Economía Solidaria; Apoyo mutuo;
Identidad de hinchada; Investigación cualitativa; Historia económica.
Códigos JEL: Z20, P13, D02, D91, O17
Introduction
The supporters' groups of Colombian football, particularly the barras
bravas of Millonarios FC, constitute complex settings where collective
identities, cultural practices, and specific forms of social organization
converge (Maldonado, 2017; Castro, 2013). Although frequently associated
with conflict and confrontation, these groups are also spaces where
relationships of solidarity, cooperation, and belonging emerge, allowing
them to be understood from a broader and less stigmatized perspective
(Gómez, 2025; Maz Galindo, 2019). Within these collectives, dynamics of
mutual support are set in motion that facilitate group cohesion and
contribute to the generation of symbolic, emotional, and material
resources that can be interpreted as forms of social capital (Hinojo et al.,
2020; Gómez, 2001).
Although the literature on organized football supporters has extensively
examined identity, rituals, territoriality, conflict and violence, less attention
has been paid to the economic and relational mechanisms through which
these groups organize mutual aid, redistribute resources and sustain
collective participation. This gap is particularly relevant in the Colombian
context, where supporters' groups may simultaneously operate as identity
communities and as informal networks of cooperation. Examining these
practices makes it possible to move beyond interpretations centered
exclusively on conflict and to investigate how trust, reciprocity, collective
norms and resource mobilization generate social value within football
communities (Poveda, 2004; Roldán Pérez & Luna Villa, 2019).
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The study of these dynamics is relevant because it allows for the
visualization of social dimensions that often go unnoticed in the traditional
analysis of barras bravas (Jackson, 2017). Networks of solidarity, shared
rituals, mechanisms of collective aid, and internal norms of reciprocity
constitute fundamental elements that organize the life of supporters and
directly influence the way these groups relate to each other and to their
environment (Gómez, 2025b; Lozano, 2021). The central question guiding
this research is: How are the dynamics of mutual support configured and
how do they operate within the supporters' groups of Millonarios FC, and in
what way do these practices contribute to the construction and
strengthening of social capital? This question invites an examination of
these processes from a sociological perspective that recognizes their
nuances and complexities (Roldán Pérez & Luna Villa, 2019). This analysis
makes it possible to understand how dynamics of mutual support not only
shape social relationships but also operate as informal mechanisms of
resource allocation, transaction cost reduction, and sustained participation
in the sports spectacle, thereby broadening the economic understanding of
supporters' groups as social units with their own rationalities (Gutierrez,
2020).
From an economic perspective, these practices are also relevant because
cooperation among supporters can reduce individual participation costs,
distribute risks and facilitate access to resources required for travel, tickets,
collective activities and symbolic goods associated with football fandom.
Accordingly, the supporters' group can be examined not merely as a
cultural collective but also as an informal organizational space in which
social relations influence the allocation and mobilization of scarce
resources (Letnar & Širok, 2025; Díaz Jiménez et al., 2020).
In this sense, the general objective of this study is to analyze the dynamics
of mutual support present in the supporters' groups of Millonarios FC and
understand how these practices contribute to the construction and
strengthening of social capital within these groups. The aim is to contribute
to a more comprehensive understanding of the phenomenon of football
supporter groups, moving beyond simplistic or reductionist views and
highlighting the ways in which these communities produce cohesion, a
sense of belonging, and support networks that shape their internal
functioning and their relationship with the city (Castro Lozano, 2022 ;
Laverde et al., 2020)
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Theoretical Framework
Social Capital
The concept of social capital has been widely developed in the social
sciences to explain how relationships, networks, and shared norms
influence the capacity of individuals and groups to act collectively
(Bunge, 1997). Although multiple approaches exist, three authors
have been fundamental to its development: Pierre Bourdieu, James
Coleman, and Robert Putnam.
Pierre Bourdieu (1986) understands social capital as the aggregate of
the actual or potential resources to which an individual has access by
virtue of belonging to institutionalized social networks. From this
perspective, social capital is a strategic resource that strengthens the
social position of actors and functions interdependently with other
forms of capital, such as economic and cultural capital. For Bourdieu,
membership in groups such as football supporters' groups allows for
the accumulation of recognition, support, and symbolic benefits that
reinforce collective identity (Alaa et al., 2015).
James Coleman (1990), in turn, defines social capital as a variety of
entities that emerge from the structure of social relations and
facilitate the action of individuals within a network. In this approach,
social capital manifests in shared norms, obligations, expectations,
and mutual trust. These elements enable people to cooperate and
reduce the costs of collective action. In the case of organized groups,
such as the barras bravas, these internal norms and mechanisms of
reciprocity play a significant role in coordination and solidarity
(Rincón & Gómez, 2023).
Similarly, Robert Putnam (1993; 2000) highlights social capital as a
collective good derived from relations of trust, reciprocity, and civic
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participation. Putnam distinguishes between bridging and bonding
social capital: the former connects diverse groups, while the latter
strengthens the internal bonds of a homogeneous group (Chavarro
et al., 2017). In the context of football supporters' groups, bonding
social capital generally predominates, fostering cohesion, shared
identity, and mutual support within the collective, although it can
sometimes generate exclusion towards "others."
Taken together, these approaches provide complementary rather
than interchangeable analytical dimensions. Bourdieu makes it
possible to examine the resources accessible through group
membership; Coleman explains how norms, obligations, and
expectations facilitate coordinated action; and Putnam allows for
differentiation between dense internal ties and relationships
extending beyond the group. Applied to football supporters, this
analytical convergence makes it possible to distinguish between the
existence of strong internal cohesion and the broader social effects
generated by such cohesion. Consequently, high levels of bonding
social capital should not automatically be interpreted as socially
positive outcomes, since strong internal solidarity may coexist with
exclusionary boundaries toward external groups (Zúñiga Ortega,
2025; Bourdieu, 2012).
Consequently, social capital within supporters' groups is expressed
through support networks, group loyalty, the construction of trust,
and the establishment of internal norms that guide collective
behavior. These elements help explain why these groups possess
strong cohesion and how they mobilize symbolic and material
resources (Maldonado, 2021; Bunge, 1969).
Solidarity Economy
The solidarity economy is understood as a set of economic practices
based on the values of cooperation, reciprocity, self-management,
and collective well-being, in opposition to the purely market-driven
logics of traditional capitalism. Diverse authors have contributed to
its conceptualization, highlighting that it is not only an economic
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model but also a form of social organization (Gómez, 2025c;
Maldonado, 2021).
According to Luis Razeto (1993), one of the leading Latin American
scholars in this field, the solidarity economy implies the articulation
of economic initiatives that place solidarity at the center as an
organizing principle. For Razeto, these initiatives, whether they be
cooperatives, aid funds, exchange networks, or community groups,
function based on cooperation among individuals who share
common needs and objectives. This type of economy produces not
solely monetary values but also symbolic and relational ones, such as
trust, mutual aid, and social cohesion (Maldonado, 2024; Kovács et
al., 2021).
Similarly, Boaventura de Sousa Santos has proposed that the
solidarity economy is framed within alternative forms of production
and consumption that seek to democratize the creation of value and
strengthen collective practices. For this author, the solidarity
economy does not seek to completely replace the market, but to
create spaces for more horizontal and humane relationships within
existing economic systems (Rodríguez, 2025a; 2025b).
The International Labour Organization (ILO) acknowledges that the
solidarity economy unfolds through community organizations,
associations, cooperatives, and social networks that operate under
principles of democratic management and collective benefit
(Kalmanovitz, 2019). These experiences foster local development,
social inclusion, and community resilience. In contexts such as that of
football supporters' groups, the solidarity economy can manifest in
practices of mutual aid, collective support funds, organization of
community events, exchanges of goods, collaboration on travel, and
self-management strategies to sustain the group's activities (Gómez
& Velasco, 2024). Although they are not formally recognized as part
of the traditional solidarity economy, many of their daily practices
reflect the same principles: cooperation, reciprocity, trust, and
collective action (Romashkina et al., 2020).
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Nevertheless, the presence of cooperation, reciprocity, or mutual aid
does not by itself imply that a supporters' group constitutes a
solidarity economy organization in a strict institutional sense. In this
study, the concept is therefore used as an analytical lens to identify
solidarity-oriented economic practices, such as collective funds,
reciprocal aid, self-management, and shared financing, rather than
to formally classify the supporters' group as a solidarity-economy
organization(Gao et al., 2025; Gómez, 2025a)
Relationship between Social Capital and Solidarity Economy
The link between the two concepts is close. Social capital,
understood as the capacity of a group to mobilize resources derived
from trust, reciprocity, and networks, provides an operational basis
for the solidarity economy. Without social capital, solidarity practices
could not be sustained. Social capital and solidarity-oriented
economic practices are analytically related but conceptually distinct.
Networks of trust and reciprocity can facilitate cooperative economic
actions, while repeated practices of mutual aid may simultaneously
reinforce the density and durability of social networks. Their
relationship should therefore be understood as reciprocal and
contingent rather than as a necessary causal dependency (Téllez et
al., 2022; Gómez et al., 2021).
Within supporters' groups, these dimensions are articulated through:
• Support networks for travel, emergencies, or basic needs.
• Self-managed collective funds.
• Community or neighborhood initiatives led by the group.
• Internal norms of reciprocity and mutual aid.
• The construction of identity and belonging that strengthens
cooperation.
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From this perspective, the barras bravas can be analyzed as spaces
where bonding social capital and practices of an informal solidarity
economy converge, enabling an explanation of their resilience,
cohesion, and capacity for organization (Vesga & García, 2020).
These dynamics allow supporters' groups to be interpreted not only
as symbolic communities but also as informal economic structures
that manage resources, distribute risks, and generate collective
financing mechanisms, bringing them closer to alternative forms of
non-institutionalized sports economies (Dobson & Goddard, 2001).
Methodology
The present research adopted a qualitative approach, given that its
central purpose was to understand in depth the dynamics of mutual
support and the construction of social capital within the supporters'
groups of Millonarios FC, phenomena that require an interpretive and
contextual approach (Devi Prasad, 2019; Bunge, 1997). This approach
enabled access to the meanings, values, and internal logics that
guide solidarity practices among members of the supporters' group,
exploring not only what they do but also how they justify and
experience these practices. In keeping with this perspective, a case
study design was employed, which enables the intensive analysis of
a specific social collective, recognizing the complexity of its internal
organization, history, cultural codes, and forms of relationships. The
barras bravas, understood as communities with strong identities,
shared norms, and dense networks of interaction, require a
methodological design that allows for the exploration of their daily
life from within and in all its diversity (Téllez et al., 2020; Bunge,
1980).
The study population consisted of members of the supporters'
groups of Millonarios FC, with special attention to those involved in
practices of solidarity and cooperation within the group. The sample,
composed of 11 participants, was selected through purposive
sampling, which prioritized the inclusion of participants who could
offer relevant and varied information on the forms of mutual support
and the construction of social capital (Román et al., 2025; Van Eck &
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Waltman, 2009). The aim was to integrate heterogeneous voices
within the supporters' group: members with long-standing
involvement and leadership roles; active members who participate in
travel, collective activities, and supporters' rituals; and participants
representing specific profiles such as female supporters, young
people who recently joined, or members involved in solidarity
initiatives. This internal diversity broadens the understanding of the
processes under study and facilitates the triangulation of
perspectives within the group itself (Rodríguez et al., 2021; Bunge,
1969).
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Table 1. Demographic characterization of the interview participants
Participant
Role within the
Supporters' Group
Sex
Participant (1)
Leadership roles
Man
Participant (2)
Active member who
participates in travel to
matches
Man
Participant (3)
Young supporter
Man
Participant (4)
Young supporter
Woman
Participant (5)
Active member who
participates in travel to
matches
Man
Participant (6)
Young person who
recently joined the group
Woman
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Participant (7)
Member involved in
solidarity initiatives
Man
Participant (8)
Member involved in
solidarity initiatives
Man
Participant (9)
Member involved in
solidarity initiatives
Man
Participant (10)
Member involved in
solidarity initiatives
Woman
Participant (11)
Member involved in
solidarity initiatives
Woman
Source: Elaborated by the authors based on fieldwork conducted in Bogotá, Colombia, in 2025.
The primary data collection technique was the semi-structured
interview, conducted with the 11 previously selected participants
(Paramо, 2008). This technique enabled an in-depth exploration of
experiences, perceptions, and meanings while offering the necessary
flexibility to explore emerging themes during the dialogue (Barbosa
et al., 2020). The interviews, which lasted between 60 and 90
minutes, addressed aspects such as concrete experiences of mutual
support, informal mechanisms of internal organization, the presence
of norms of reciprocity, perceptions of trust within the groups, and
the ways in which practices that can be interpreted as expressions of
a solidarity economy are articulated (Gómez, 2024b). For this
purpose, an interview guide was developed based on analytical
categories derived from the theoretical framework, including social
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capital, trust, norms, networks, reciprocity, mutual support,
supporter identity, cohesion, and material and symbolic solidarity
practices (Barreto & Gómez 2025; Páramo, 2008).
Complementarily, participant, and non-participant observation was
conducted in different spaces of interaction typical of the supporters'
group, such as organizational meetings, travel to matches,
community activities, or moments of football-related ritual.
Observation contributed to recording non-verbal dynamics and
bodily practices that interviews might not capture completely, such
as gestures of care, spontaneously assumed roles, forms of group
organization, and micro-interactions that reveal patterns of
solidarity and cohesion (Van Dijk, 2015). The observations were
recorded in a detailed field diary, which included descriptions,
relevant dialogues, and initial analytical interpretations, allowing for
the construction of rich and contextualized material that
complements the interview corpus (Camacho et al., 2023).
Likewise, a documentary analysis of materials produced by the
supporters' group itself was conducted, such as social media
publications, communiqués, internal regulations, songs, chants, and
graphic pieces. These documents helped identify collective
discourses on solidarity, unity, loyalty, reciprocity, and belonging, as
well as an understand how mutual support practices are legitimized
and transmitted within the supporters' culture. The triangulation of
interviews, observations and documentary sources strengthened the
analytical rigor of the study by contrasting participants' accounts,
observed practices and the symbolic representations communicated
by the supporters' group (Gómez, 2024c; Castro et al., 2017).
The analysis of the information involved a thematic coding process
that combined predefined categories, such as social capital, trust,
networks, mutual support, norms, reciprocity, and solidarity
economy, with emergent categories that arose directly from the data
and reflected the language, experiences, and interpretations of the
supporters. The first step involved the complete transcription of the
interviews and the systematization of the field diaries and
documents. Subsequently, successive readings were conducted to
identify recurrent themes and patterns of meaning (Devi Prasad,
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2019). Depending on the available resources, the coding and
organization of the qualitative corpus were conducted using Atlas.ti
which facilitated category management, code co-occurrence
analysis, and the construction of semantic relationships. This process
enabled the organization of categories, the construction of networks
of meanings, and the generation of analysis matrices that facilitated
comparison among the different participants and techniques used
(Aguilera et al., 2020; Maldonado, 2005).To ensure the quality and
rigor of the study, criteria specific to qualitative research were
considered. Credibility was strengthened through the triangulation
of sources, techniques, and perspectives within the group.
Transferability was supported through detailed descriptions of the
supporters' context and the observed dynamics, allowing other
researchers to understand the conditions under which the findings
were generated. Dependability was maintained through a
transparent and detailed description of each phase of the
methodological process, making it possible to trace the logic of the
study. Finally, confirmability was supported by maintaining records,
analytical notes, and procedures that document the distinction
between the researcher's data and interpretations (López et al.,
2025; Maldonado, 2009).
Regarding ethical considerations, voluntary participation was
ensured through an informed consent process in which the research
objectives, the use of the information, and the participants' right to
withdraw at any time were explained. Anonymity was guaranteed
through the use of pseudonyms for both the participants and the
supporters' group, when considered necessary, especially given the
sensitive context in which some supporter groups are situated.
Particular care was taken to avoid stigmatizing discourses that could
put participants at risk, while the language and analysis were
oriented toward a respectful understanding of the social and
solidarity dynamics that characterize these collectives (Gómez,
2024; Páramo, 2008).
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RESULTS
The results of the study indicate that the supporters' groups of
Millonarios FC constitute highly cohesive social spaces where mutual
support and the construction of social capital are expressed in
multiple dimensions of the supporters' lives. Based on the interviews
conducted with the 11 participants, clear patterns emerged in terms
of internal organization, solidarity practices, trust, reciprocity, and
mechanisms of economic self-management that contribute to
strengthening collective identity and group cohesion (Letnar & Širok,
2025; Ibagón & Gómez, 2018).
Internal Organization and Social Relations
The participants described an internal organization marked by
defined roles, recognized forms of leadership, and informal
regulatory mechanisms. Although not all members hold visible
positions, most recognize the presence of natural leaders and
"veterans" who guide internal dynamics and ensure compliance with
implicit norms (Villca & Quispe, 2025). "No one is in charge on their
own here, but we all know who organizes things and who we need to
listen to (Participant 3, translated by the authors).
Pre-match meetings, neighborhood gatherings, and collective travel
function spaces for coordination spaces. The participants indicated
that these encounters foster cohesion and allow new members to
understand the group's rules: mutual respect, loyalty, and
unconditional support (Valadez et al., 2024). "When you first join, the
first thing they explain is that we all look out for one another here. If
you come here, it is because you become part of the community"
(Participant 7, translated by the authors).
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Mutual Support Practices
Experiences of mutual support were consistently present in the
participants’ accounts. Members described different forms of aid,
ranging from financial contributions for travel or tickets to emotional
support in difficult personal situations (Jiménez et al., 2024). In
several cases, the participants highlighted that the group's solidarity
is activated especially during trips or group travel. "If someone runs
out of money or things go wrong, we all pitch in, but no one gets left
behind. Ever” (Participant 1, author's translation).
Support also emerges in situations of risk, particularly in contexts of
confrontation or external tensions: "When there is a problem with
another supporters' group or with the police, you know that everyone
will stand up for you. That gives a lot of peace of mind" ( Participant
5, author's translation). Similarly, several participants pointed out
that emotional support is also relevant, though less visible:
"Sometimes you come here feeling bad because of things going on
at home, and there is always someone who asks how you are doing
and listens to you. That is also support" (Participant 10, author's
translation).
Trust, Internal Norms, and Reciprocity
Trust appears as a central element in the construction of social capital
within the supporters' group. Most participants stated that belonging
to the group is sustained by the confidence that other members will
act in accordance with implicit norms of loyalty and reciprocity
(Zúñiga Ortega, 2025). "Everything works here because we trust one
another. If you break your word, no one wants to see you anymore”
(Participant 4, author's translation)..
Internal norms include behaviors such as not abandoning a
companion, respecting the group leader, participating in collective
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activities, and maintaining solidarity. Although there are no formal
sanctions, social mechanisms of correction or temporary exclusion
exist for those who break the rules (Martínez et al., 2024). "The
supporters' group is like a family: if you make a mistake, they tell you;
if you keep making mistakes, they simply stop taking you into
account" (Participant 8, author's translation). Reciprocity—helping
others and then receiving help in return—is a principle recognized by
all: "You knowing help that one day you may also need something"
(Participant 2, author's translation).
Solidarity Practices, Collective Financing and Self-Management
The research revealed the existence of dynamics that function as
forms of an informal solidarity economy and are fundamental to
sustaining participation in supporters' activities (Zamora Torres et
al., 2023). The following practices were identified:
• Collections to finance trips ("vacas").
• Common funds to purchase instruments, banners, or flags.
• Self-management activities (raffles, sale of jerseys or food).
• Direct support for members in emergency situations.
"We are not rich, but together we make things happen. If we have to
go out and sell empanadas to buy the drums, we do it” (Participant 9,
author's translation). Taken together, the empirical evidence shows
recurrent patterns of mutual aid, reciprocity, trust, collective
financing, and self-management among the participants, alongside
a strong perception of belonging and intra-group protection (Gómez
et al., 2023).
Contribution to Cohesion and Supporter Identity
The findings show that mutual support and solidarity practices not
only respond to material needs but also play a symbolic role in the
construction of supporter identity and cohesion. The participants
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repeatedly expressed that the supporters' group is an extension of
the family and a space for recognition (Zúñiga Ortega, 2025). "The
supporters' group is my second family. Here I found people who
support me more than they do at home" (Participant 6, author's
translation). "What unites us is not just Millonarios. It is knowing that
we are not alone" (Participant 11, author's translation).
Internal solidarity, trust, and collective organization strengthen a
sense of community that is reproduced in every match, every trip,
and every supporters' activity, consolidating the group's social capital
and its capacity to remain united in the face of adverse contexts (Gao
et al., 2025).
The data show that the supporters' groups of Millonarios FC are
settings where mutual support, reciprocity, trust, and the solidarity
economy come together to strengthen internal social capital. These
practices allow members to experience a strong sense of community,
belonging, and protection, making the supporters' group as a space
of sociability and collective support (Martínez et al., 2024; Valencia &
Cuartas, 2020).
Discussion
The results of this study show that the supporters' groups of
Millonarios FC are settings where dynamics of mutual support and
forms of social capital construction manifest themselves strongly.
These findings closely align with the theoretical propositions of
Bourdieu, Coleman, and Putnam, who agree that social capital is
based on the existence of networks, norms, and relations of trust that
facilitate collective action (Jackson, 2017; Bourdieu, 1986). In this
sense, the supporters' group appears as a highly cohesive space
where reciprocity, constant mutual aid, and loyalty function as social
resources that help sustain the collective beyond its sporting
character. The evidence provided by the participants—who state that
"no one is left behind" or that "there is always someone who
responds"—confirms the density of these networks and the strength
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of the solidarity bonds that characterize the group (Gómez et al.,
2023; Roldán Pérez & Luna Villa, 2019.
From Bourdieu's perspective (1986), social capital is understood as a
resource accumulated through belonging to a group, which offers
symbolic and material benefits to its members. The results suggest
that belonging to the supporters' group provides access to networks
of emotional, economic, and protective support that the participants
consider fundamental in their daily lives (Letnar & Širok, 2025;
Malagón et al., 2024). Thus, when supporters affirm that the
supporters' group is their "second family" or that within the group
"there is more support than at home," it confirms that the supporters'
group functions as a space for the accumulation and mobilization of
social capital that extends beyond the realm of football. This
coincides with Bourdieu's idea that social groups generate
obligations and lasting bonds that can be transformed into resources
in times of need (Gao et al., 2025; Castro Lozano, 2022).
Beyond validating the classical postulates of social capital, the
findings allow these dynamics to be interpreted as forms of collective
economy that reduce individual vulnerability, optimize access to
scarce resources, and generate forms of cooperation that operate
according to logics different from those of the formal market, thus
configuring a bottom-up football economy (Morrow, 1999). On the
other hand, Coleman's (1990) propositions about shared norms and
reciprocity become especially visible in the practices described by the
participants. The supporters' group operates under implicit rules that
coordinate action, regulate behavior, and guarantee that members
act according to expectations of solidarity (Malagón et al., 2022).
These norms are expressed in the obligation not to abandon any
member, the fulfillment of collective agreements, and a sustained
willingness to provide help. The existence of informal sanctions, such
as temporary exclusion from the group or loss of trust, also aligns
with Coleman's notions about the regulatory role of norms in
cohesive networks (Villca & Quispe, 2025; Galindo, 2019). However,
these forms of social capital may also generate dynamics of closure
and exclusion, reinforcing symbolic boundaries between insiders and
outsiders, which raises tensions between internal cohesion and social
fragmentation in the urban context.
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In relation to Putnam (2000), who differentiates between bonding
social capital (strong internal ties) and bridging social capital
(connections to other groups), the results show that bonding social
capital predominates in the supporters' group. This type of social
capital is characterized by generating intense, closed relationships
based on shared identities, such as love for the team. Based on
statements from the participants, such as "here everyone stands up
for you" or "we are a blue family," the supporters’ group presents
itself as a cohesive group that strengthens the sense of belonging and
reinforces internal bonds. Although Putnam has pointed out that this
type of social capital can be potentially exclusive towards "others," in
this context it fulfills a protective and welfare function for the
members of the collective (Valadez et al., 2024; Grodecki, 2019).
The predominance of bonding social capital identified in the
Millonarios FC case is consistent with international research on
organized football supporters. Grodecki (2019), for example, shows
that supporter networks may generate dense structures of solidarity
and collective action that extend beyond match attendance. The
present findings converge with this perspective, as participants
describe reciprocal protection, economic cooperation, and
emotionally significant relationships. However, the Millonarios FC
case adds an economic dimension to this discussion by showing that
solidarity networks are also mobilized to finance travel, acquire
collective goods and respond to individual emergencies. Thus, the
contribution of the case lies in confirming the existence of social
capital among supporters and demonstrating how such capital may
be translated into concrete mechanisms of resource mobilization and
collective risk-sharing (Gutierrez,2020; Maz Galindo, 2019).
Regarding the solidarity economy, the findings show that within the
supporters' group, practices of self-management and resource
redistribution have developed that align with the propositions of
Razeto and the Latin American tradition of the solidarity economy.
Activities such as collective fundraising ("vacas"), holding raffles or
sales to finance instruments, and providing economic support in
emergencies constitute organized forms of cooperation that help
sustain participation in the group. When participants state that
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"among all of us we make things happen" or that "if we have to go out
and sell to buy drums, we do it," they demonstrate how the
supporters' group operates as a network of exchange and solidarity
based on community values, beyond individualistic market logic
(Jiménez et al., 2024; Galindo, 2019).
From the perspective of football economics, these findings also
suggest that supporters should not be understood exclusively as
consumers of the sporting spectacle. Within the group analyzed,
supporters collectively generate resources, distribute costs, organize
mobility, and finance symbolic goods required for sustained
participation. Such practices reveal a meso-level economic structure
operating beneath the formal football market: while clubs and
professional competitions organize the commercial supply of
football, supporter networks partially address the economic
conditions of participation through informal cooperation and self-
management. This broadens the economic analysis of football by
incorporating forms of value production and resource allocation that
are not captured by ticket revenues, broadcasting rights, or club
finances (Castro Lozano, 2022; Alaa et al., 2015)
These findings also have implications for the design of public
interventions involving organized football supporters. Rather than
approaching these groups exclusively through security and risk-
control frameworks, the evidence suggests that public policy may
also recognize their internal capacities for self-organization, mutual
aid, and collective action. Programs related to youth participation,
coexistence, community development, and sport for social inclusion
could potentially build on these existing networks. Nevertheless,
such an application requires caution: the strong bonding social
capital identified in this study may simultaneously reinforce
boundaries toward external groups, suggesting that public
interventions should seek to transform strong intra-group solidarity
into bridging relationships with neighborhoods, institutions and
other supporter communities (Galindo ,2019; Dobson & Goddard,
2001).
These results also help explain how mutual support practices
contribute to strengthening supporter identity. The presence of
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rituals, collective trips, and dynamics of mutual protection foster a
sense of belonging that reinforces the group's social capital (Zúñiga
Ortega, 2025; Hodges, 2016). This finding is consistent with the
proposition that supporters' groups are not only sporting spaces but
emotionally significant communities that fulfill symbolic, affective,
and social functions for their members (Poveda, 2004). In this way,
the construction of supporter identity is shaped by the social capital
generated within the supporters' group, as reflected in statements
such as "here I found people who support me more than at home."
Conclusions
The findings of this research show that the supporters' groups of
Millonarios FC constitute social spaces where mutual support,
solidarity, and relations of trust are configured as central elements in
the construction and strengthening of social capital. Throughout the
study, it became clear that members share not only a sporting
identity but also affective, community, and organizational bonds
that generate cohesion and a sense of belonging.
First, it is evident that the internal organization of the supporters'
group is structured by informal roles, implicit norms, and forms of
leadership that guide collective life. These structures enable the
coordination of activities and ensure that members understand the
group's expectations, especially in terms of loyalty, respect, and
commitment. The existence of unwritten rules, as well as social
sanctions for those who transgress them, confirms that the
supporters' group functions as a regulated space oriented towards
cooperation.
Second, the dynamics of mutual support constitute one of the most
visible pillars of the internal functioning of the supporters' group. The
diverse forms of economic, emotional, logistical, and protective
support strengthen the bonds between members and generate
stable networks of solidarity. The participants’ accounts, in which
they state that "no one is left behind" or that "there is always
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someone who responds," demonstrate that the supporters' group
plays a significant role as a source of collective support.
Likewise, the findings indicate that trust and reciprocity are
fundamental dimensions of the social capital present in the
supporters' group. These relations of trust are built from constant
interaction, mutual recognition, and compliance with internal norms.
In turn, reciprocity is understood as a continuous exchange of favors,
support, and care that reinforces the stability of the networks and the
continued involvement of members in the group.
A fourth finding concerns the existence of solidarity-oriented
economic practices based on collective financing, reciprocal aid and
self-management. Collections, common funds, raffles and other
resource-mobilization mechanisms help make participation possible
for members with heterogeneous economic capacities. Rather than
demonstrating that the supporters' group constitutes a solidarity-
economy organization in the institutional sense, these practices
reveal an informal economic infrastructure sustained by trust and
reciprocity. This distinction constitutes one of the main conceptual
contributions of the study, since it connects social capital with the
economic mechanisms through which football participation is
collectively sustained.
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